Coffee Shop Business Plan

Coffee Shop Business Plan Java Culture coffee bar is determined to become a daily necessity for local coffee addicts, a place to dream of as you try to escape the daily stresses of life and  just a  comfortable place to meet your friends or to read a book, all in one. With the growing demand for high-quality gourmet coffee and great service, Java Culture will capitalize on its proximity to the University of Oregon campus to build a core group of repeat customers. The company will operate a 2,300 square foot coffee bar within a walking distance from the University of Oregon campus. The owners have secured this location through a three-year lease with an option for extending. The have also provided $140,000 of the required $170,000 start-up funds. The remaining capital will be obtained through  Bank of America commercial loans. The company is expected to grow sales revenue from $584,000 in FY2001 to $706,000 in year three. As Java Culture will strive to maintain a 65% gross profit margin and reasonable operating expenses,  it will see  net profits grow from $100,000 to$125,000 during the same period. 1.1 Objectives: Java Cultures objectives for the first year of  operations are: Become selected as the Best New Coffee Bar in the area by the local restaurant guide. Turn in profits from the first month of operations. Maintain a 65% gross margin. 1.2 Keys to Success: The keys to success will be: Store design that will be both visually attractive to customers, and designed for fast and efficient operations. Employee training to insure the best coffee preparation techniques. Marketing strategies aimed to build a solid base of loyal customers, as well as maximizing the sales of high margin products, such as espresso drinks. 1.3 Mission Java Culture will make its best effort to create a unique place where customers can socialize with each other in a comfortable and relaxing environment while enjoying the best brewed coffee  or espresso and pastries in town. We will be in the business of helping our customers to relieve their daily stresses by providing piece of mind through great ambience, convenient location, friendly customer service, and products of consistently high quality. Java Culture will invest its profits to increase the employee satisfaction while providing stable return to its shareholders. 2.0 Company Summary: Java Culture, an Oregon limited liability company, sells coffee, other beverages and snacks in its 2,300 square feet premium coffee bar located near the University of Oregon campus.   Java Cultures major investors are Arthur Garfield and James Polk who cumulatively own over 70% of the company. The start-up loss of the company is assumed in the amount of $27,680. 2.1 Company Ownership: Java Culture is registered as a Limited Liability Corporation in the state of Oregon. Arthur Garfield owns 51% of the company. His cousin, James Polk, as well as Megan Flannigan and Todd Barkley hold minority stakes in Java Culture, LLC. 2.2 Company Locations and Facilities: Java Culture coffee bar will be located on the ground floor of the commercial building at the corner of West 13th Avenue and Patterson Street in Eugene, OR. The company has secured a one-year lease of the vacant 2,500 square feet premises previously occupied by a hair salon. The lease contract has an option of renewal for three years at a fixed rate that Java Culture will execute depending on the financial strength of its business. The floor plan will include a 200 square feet back office and a 2,300 square feet coffee bar, which will include a seating area with 15 tables, a kitchen, storage area and two bathrooms. The space in the coffee bar will be approximately distributed the following way1,260 square feet (i.e., 55% of the total) for the seating area, 600 square feet (26%) for the production area, and the remaining 440 square feet (19%) for the customer service area. This property is located in a commercial area within a walking distance from the University of Oregon campus on the corner of a major thoroughfare connecting affluent South Eugene neighborhood with the busy downtown commercial area. The commercially zoned premises have the necessary water and electricity hookups and will require only minor remodeling to accommodate the espresso bar,  kitchen and storage area. The coffee bars open and clean interior design with modern wooden decor will convey the quality of the served beverages and snacks, and will be in-line with the establishments positioning as an eclectic place where people can relax and enjoy their cup of coffee. The clear window displays, through which passerby will be able to see customers enjoying their beverages, and outside electric signs will be aimed to grab the attention of the customer traffic. 3.0 Products: Java Culture will offer its customers the best tasting coffee beverages in the area. This will be achieved by using high-quality ingredients and strictly following preparation guidelines. The store layout, menu listings and marketing activities will be focused on maximizing the sales of higher margin espresso drinks. Along with the espresso drinks, brewed coffee and teas, as well as some refreshment beverages, will be sold in the coffee bar. Java Culture will also offer its clients pastries, small salads and sandwiches. For the gourmet clientele that prefers to prepare its coffee at home, Java Culture will also be selling coffee beans. The menu offerings will be supplemented by free books and magazines that customers can read inside the coffee bar. 3.1 Product Description: The menu of the Java Culture coffee bar will be built around espresso-based coffee drinks such as lattes, mochas, cappuccinos, etc. Each of the espresso-based drinks will be offered with whole, skimmed, or soy milk. Each of these coffee beverages is based on a shot of espresso, which is prepared in the espresso machine by forcing heated water through ground coffee at high pressure. Such espresso shots are combined with steamed milk and/or other additives like cocoa, caramel, etc., to prepare the espresso-based beverages. Proper preparation techniques are of paramount importance for such drinks. A minor deviation from the amount of coffee in the shot, the size of the coffee particles, the temperature of milk, etc., can negatively affect the quality of the prepared drink. 3.2 Sales Literature: Two thousand flyers will be distributed in the adjacent neighborhood, on the University campus, at the malls and in the selected office buildings within two weeks prior to the opening of Java Culture. Subsequently, free postcards with Java Culture endorsement will be printed to increase the company visibility among the patrons. 4.0 Market Analysis Summary: U.S. coffee consumption has shown steady growth, with gourmet coffee having the strongest growth. Coffee drinkers in the Pacific Northwest are among the most demanding ones. They favor well-brewed gourmet coffee drinks and demand great service. Eugene, OR, with its liberal and outgoing populace and long rainy winter, has traditionally been a great place for coffee establishments. Java Culture will strive to build a loyal customer base by offering a great tasting coffee in a   relaxing environment of its coffee bar located close to the bustling University of Oregon campus. 4.1 Market Segmentation: Java Culture will focus its marketing activities on reaching the University students and faculty, people working in offices located close to the coffee bar and on sophisticated teenagers. Our market research shows that these are the customer groups that are most likely to buy gourmet coffee products. Since gourmet coffee consumption is universal across different income categories and mostly depends on the level of higher education, proximity to the University of Oregon campus will provide access to the targeted customer audience. The chart and table below outline the total market potential (in number of customers) of gourmet coffee drinkers in Eugene, OR. Java Culture will cater to people who want to get their daily cup of great-tasting coffee in a relaxing atmosphere. Such customers vary in age, although our location close to the University campus means that most of our clientele will be college students and faculty. Our market research shows that these  are discerning customers that gravitate towards better tasting coffee. Furthermore, a lot of college students consider coffee bars to be a convenient studying or meeting location, where they can read or meet with peers without the necessity to pay cover charges. For us, this will provide a unique possibility for building a loyal client base. 4.2.1 Market Needs: General trend toward quality among U.S. consumers definitely plays an important role in the recent growth in gourmet coffee. Additionally, such factors as desire for small indulgencies, for something more exotic and unique, provide a good selling opportunity for coffee bars. 4.3 I Industry Analysis: Coffee consumption has shown a steady 2.5% growth rate in the United States over the last decade. In 1994, total sales of coffee were approximately $7.5 billion with gourmet coffee representing 33% (or $2.5 billion) of that. The retail coffee industry is flourishing in the U.S. Pacific Northwest. The local climate, with a long rainy season, is very conducive for the consumption of hot non-alcoholic beverages. At the same time, hot dry summers drive people into cafes to order iced drinks. Further, coffee has really become a part of the lifestyle in the Pacific Northwest. Its discerning coffee drinkers are in favor of well-prepared, strong coffee-based beverages, which they can consume in a  relaxing environment. 4. 4 Competition and Buying pattern: Competition: According to the 1997 Oregon Food service Statistics (NAICS 72), Eugene had 45 established snack non-alcoholic beverage bars (NAICS 722213) with total sales of $14.2 million. Among other establishments that offer coffee drinks to their customers are most of Eugenes limited- and full-service restaurants. Java Cultures direct competitors will be other coffee bars located near the University of Oregon campus. These include Starbucks, Cafe Roma, The UO Bookstore, and other Food service establishments that offer coffee. Starbucks will definitely be one of the major competitors because of its strong financial position and established marketing and operational practices. However, despite of Starbucks entrenched market position, many customers favor smaller, independent establishments that offer cozy atmosphere and good coffee at affordable prices. Cafe Roma is a good example of such competition. We estimate that Starbucks holds approximately 35% market share in that neighborhood, Cafe Roma appeals to 25% of customers, The UO Bookstore caters to another 10%, with the remaining market share split among other establishments. Java Culture will position itself as a unique coffee bar that not only offers the best tasting coffee and pastries but also provides home-like, cozy and comfortable environment, which established corporate establishments lack. We will cater to customers bodies and minds, which will help us grow our market share in this competitive market. Buying Patterns: The major reason for the customers to return to a specific coffee bar is a great tasting coffee, quick service and pleasant atmosphere. Although, as stated before, coffee consumption is uniform across different income segments, Java Culture will price its product offerings competitively. We strongly believe that selling coffee with a great service in a nice setting will help us build a strong base of loyal clientele. 5.0 Strategy and Implementation Summary: Java Cultures marketing strategy will be focused at getting new customers, retaining the existing customers, getting customers to spend more and come back more often. Establishing a loyal customer base is of a paramount importance since such customer core will not only generate most of the sales but also will provide favorable referrals. 5.1 Competitive Edge: Java Culture will position itself as unique coffee bar where its patrons can not only enjoy a cup of perfectly brewed coffee but also spend their time in an ambient environment. Comfortable sofas and chairs, dimmed light and quiet relaxing music will help the customers to relax from the daily stresses and will differentiate Java Culture from incumbent competitors. 5.2 Sales Strategy: Java Culture baristas will handle the sales transactions. To speed up the customer service, at least two employees will be servicing clientswhile one employee will be preparing the customers order, the other one will be taking care of the sales transaction. All sales data logged on the computerized point-of-sale terminal will be later analyzed for marketing purposes. In order to build up its client base, Java Culture will use banners and fliers, utilize customer referrals and cross-promotions with other businesses in the community. At the same time, customer retention programs will be used to make sure the customers are coming back and spending more at the coffee bar. 5.3 Sales Forecast: Food costs are assumed at 25% for coffee beverages and 50% for retail beans and pastries. Proximity to the University campus will dictate certain sales seasonality with revenues slightly decreasing during the school vacation periods. The chart and table below outline our projected sales forecast for the next three years. 6.0 Management Summary: Java Culture is majority-owned by Arthur Garfield and James Polk. Mr. Garfield holds a Bachelors Degree in Business Administration from the University of ZYX. Hes worked for several years as an independent business consultant. Previously, he owned the ABC Travel Agency, which he profitably sold four years ago. Mr. Garfield has extensive business contacts in Oregon that he will leverage to help his new venture succeed. Mr. Polk has a Bachelors Degree in Psychology from the XYZ State University. For the last five years he has worked as a manager of DEF Ristorante, a successful Italian restaurant in Portland, OR. Under Mr. Polks management, the restaurant has consistently increased sales while maintaining a lower than average level of operating expenses. However, because of the investors other commitments they will not be involved into the daily management decisions at Java Culture. A professional manager ($35,000/yr) will be hired who will oversee all the coffee bar operations. Two full-time baristas ($25,000/yr each) will be in charge of coffee preparation. Four more part-time employees will be hired to fulfill the staffing needs. In the second and third year of operation one more part-time employee will be hired to handle the increased sales volume. 6.1 Management Team: A full-time manager will be hired to oversee the daily operations at Java Culture. The candidate (whos name is withheld due to his current employment commitment) has had three years of managerial experience in the definitely industry in Oregon. This persons responsibilities will include managing the staff, ordering inventory, dealing with suppliers, developing a marketing strategy and perform other daily managerial duties. We believe that our candidate has the right experience for this role. A profit-sharing arrangement for the manager may be considered based on the first year operational results. 6.2 Management Team Gaps: Despite the owners and managers experience in the definitely industry, the company will retain the consulting services of ABC Espresso Services, the consultants who have helped to develop the business idea for Java Culture. This company has over twenty years of experience in the retail coffee industry and has successfully opened dozens of coffee bars across the U.S. Consultants will be primarily used for market research, customer satisfaction surveys and to provide additional input into the evaluation of the new business opportunities. 7.0 Financial Plan: Java Culture will capitalize on the strong demand for high-quality gourmet coffee. The owners have provided the company with sufficient start-up capital. With successful management aimed at establishing and growing a loyal customer base, the company will see its net worth doubling in two years. Java Culture will maintain a healthy 65% gross margin, which combined with reasonable operating expenses, will provide enough cash to finance further growth.

Essay --

Witch-hunts occurred throughout England for centuries, so it was no surprise that the witchcraft hysteria eventually reach colonial New England in the late seventeenth century, but this wave of fear was different from any other. Beginning with two young girls, witchcraft affected every person living in the New World and by the end, over twenty men and women were convicted of witchcraft, as well as entire communities living in constant fear of being touched by the Devil. Puritans, a group of English settlers, held strong beliefs about the Devil which sparked ideas of witchcraft among the Salem community. The austere Puritan lifestyle left little room for creativity, resulting in accusations against innocent people. Women, in addition to children, were inferior and considered weak; it was believed that Satan used them to carry out his wishes, and as a result, these people became witches. The severity of Puritan religious beliefs indirectly caused the witchcraft hysteria to reach its p eak during the Salem Witch Trials. Prominent and influential among the colonies, mainly Massachusetts, Puritanism was not only a religion, but a lifestyle. Puritans left England in 1630, with the intent to reform the Church of England. These English Protestants were discontent on how the Church of England was run and they made it their mission to â€Å"purify† and eliminate the church of Catholic influences, as well as â€Å"invigorate daily practices of religion.† Overall, Puritans desired â€Å"England to be reformed as John Calvin (1509-1564) had reformed Geneva (Hall, 21).† By moving to New England, Puritans had the freedom to establish their own religious authority. Puritanism controlled every activity in order to maintain a constant unity between people and Go... ...ities. â€Å"Young women at that time had nothing at all to feed their imaginations. There were no fairy tales or stories, no art, theater, or classical music (Kallen 23).† In addition to restrictions of childhood, extreme pressure was placed on children to remain pure or suffer the potential punishments from the Devil. At young ages, fear was planted in children’s minds causing hyperawareness of Satan’s wrath to frighten a child’s consciousness (Hall 23). The combination of fear, lack of imaginative outlets, and pressures on children were catalysts to the uproar of witches and witchcraft. With little ability and opportunity to express any behavior other than obedience, it was understandable that young Abigail Williams and Betty Paris claimed that they were possessed by witches, and in turn, these accusations engulfed the entire settlement of Salem into the hysteria.

The Dirty South :: essays research papers

The Dirty South During the times of the Civil Rights Movement the black communities of Birmingham, Alabama suffered severely due to the notorious acts of racism geared towards them simply because they were black. They boldly endured beatings, lynching, bombings, and demeaning treatment from the white community and especially from the Clan. The September 15, 1963 racially motivated bombing of the Birmingham’s Sixteenth Street Baptist Church, which resulted in the deaths of four innocent black girls, was one of the darkest moments of the Civil Rights Movement and perhaps one of the darkest days in Birmingham, Alabama’s history. Betty Blackman was born and raised in Birmingham. Her life was engulfed by the racism and left her with dramatically scaring memories of Birmingham.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  I grew up in the city of Birmingham, Alabama. I was born there December 11, 1947. Most of the memories I have of growing up there are the most painful memories that I have, which is strong racism and living in every day fright. I remember not being able to drink out of the cleaner water fountains around town; they were for the white people. The water fountains that were available to us were few, far between and very filthy. The black people were treated like dogs in Birmingham. I remember having to enter of the all stores and restaurants in town through the back entrances. One place I remember so vividly was a restaurant called Stadium Grill. We ordered food there every week while we were doing the wash across the street at the Laundromat. We enter in the back door into a very tiny poorly lit room. There were no tables or chairs for us to sit and eat there, it wasn’t allowed. There was only a small window to which we placed our orders and left. The front of the restaurant was large; it had tables with real cloth coverings and beautiful flowers sitting in the middle of the tables. I never once stepped foot inside the front of that restaurant. The way our communities were much different than they are now. Black people were not allowed to live among the white people. The white people lived in big lavish homes on the far east side of town and the blacks lived on the west side of town in small run down homes. There was, however, one subdivision that the wealthier black families lived. The name of it was the Goldwire Area and even now it never compares to the homes in which the poverty stricken families live now. The Dirty South :: essays research papers The Dirty South During the times of the Civil Rights Movement the black communities of Birmingham, Alabama suffered severely due to the notorious acts of racism geared towards them simply because they were black. They boldly endured beatings, lynching, bombings, and demeaning treatment from the white community and especially from the Clan. The September 15, 1963 racially motivated bombing of the Birmingham’s Sixteenth Street Baptist Church, which resulted in the deaths of four innocent black girls, was one of the darkest moments of the Civil Rights Movement and perhaps one of the darkest days in Birmingham, Alabama’s history. Betty Blackman was born and raised in Birmingham. Her life was engulfed by the racism and left her with dramatically scaring memories of Birmingham.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  I grew up in the city of Birmingham, Alabama. I was born there December 11, 1947. Most of the memories I have of growing up there are the most painful memories that I have, which is strong racism and living in every day fright. I remember not being able to drink out of the cleaner water fountains around town; they were for the white people. The water fountains that were available to us were few, far between and very filthy. The black people were treated like dogs in Birmingham. I remember having to enter of the all stores and restaurants in town through the back entrances. One place I remember so vividly was a restaurant called Stadium Grill. We ordered food there every week while we were doing the wash across the street at the Laundromat. We enter in the back door into a very tiny poorly lit room. There were no tables or chairs for us to sit and eat there, it wasn’t allowed. There was only a small window to which we placed our orders and left. The front of the restaurant was large; it had tables with real cloth coverings and beautiful flowers sitting in the middle of the tables. I never once stepped foot inside the front of that restaurant. The way our communities were much different than they are now. Black people were not allowed to live among the white people. The white people lived in big lavish homes on the far east side of town and the blacks lived on the west side of town in small run down homes. There was, however, one subdivision that the wealthier black families lived. The name of it was the Goldwire Area and even now it never compares to the homes in which the poverty stricken families live now.

Adaptive Memory Essay

The aim of this particular study was to research adaptive memory and attempt how best to explain how this â€Å"adaptive memory† works. In this experiment 252 first year students were the participants. According to which tutorial group they were in, the participants were given a scenario, with the scenarios being: * Ancestral Hunter * Modern Hunter * Future Hunter Both the Ancestral and Future hunter scenarios contained 80 participants while 92 were placed in the Modern Hunter group. Participants were asked to read a scenario according to which group they were placed in (i. e. Modern scenario for Modern Hunter group etc) following this they were asked to read and rate a list of thirty-five words based on their relevance to their scenario. This list of words was shown on a screen for five seconds each. Following this exercise, participants were then asked to complete a number task in which they were given a list of twelve numbers, each being a seven digit number, where each number was shown on the screen for one second. See more: Sleep Deprivation Problem Solution Speech Essay After this, participants were given ten minutes to attempt to recall as many words as possible from the original thirty-five words they had rated. The results showed encoding was most effective for the future hunter scenario. Introduction. A proposition made by evolutionary psychologists is that our cognitive processes have been shaped and tuned by way of adaptation. One situation is that of survival. The ultimate goal is for humans to survive and reproduce, because of this humans have adapted and evolved to heighten their senses in a situation where their survival is threatened. Items can be processed more deeply and remembered for longer when the context of the word given, seems to be a scenario in which the mind believes it needs to actively fight for its own survival. One of the most interesting findings into this theory is the results of Nairne, Thompson and Panderiada’s (2007) experiment. The findings of their experiment revealed life of an encoding task that results in higher levels of free recall than those found with past tested methods. The theory of levels of processing framework states that retention of the given word varies in relation to the depth of which the word in question is processed (Craik & Tulving, 1975). The series of experiments performed by Craik and Tulving found that the participants would process a word better when matching to a related question. This experiment attempts to find how adaptive memory can be best explained. Three different scenarios were used to encode a list of words. It is hypothesised that the scenario in which survival is the ultimate goal, is where the words will be more salient and hence acquire a higher retention of the words listed. Method. Participants were 252 first year undergraduate students undertaking psychology at the University of New South Wales. The experiment was completed during tutorials as a group experiment. The experiments took place according to the tutorial group, and were not performed at the same time. Design. The independent variables in this experiment were the scenarios given to the participants and the list of words and numbers presented to participants after they had completed the scenario. Materials and Design. Stimuli used were 35 concrete nouns selected at random from a list of words which were generated by submitting a range of 400-700 for frequency, concreteness, imageability and meaningfulness criteria in MRC Psycholinguistic Database and twelve seven digit numbers. Procedure. Depending on which tutorial group the student was in, participants were asked to read a survival scenario. In total there were three different scenarios given; Ancestral Hunter, Modern Hunter and Future Hunter. After the participant read through the given scenario they were asked to rate a list of 35 words for relevance. Each word was shown on a screen for a total of five seconds. Following this memory task, the students were then shown 12 seven-digit numbers on the screen, each number being shown for ten seconds. After being presented all twelve, they were given ten seconds to list as many numbers as they could remember. Following this task they were given ten minutes to attempt to recall as many words as possible from the list of thirty-five words given to them to rate after each scenario.

Child Abuse Essay

If you were placed in a position were your life was put into danger would you risk escaping? This question was asked by Jaycee Dugard everyday during her eighteen year being held captive. In her memoir A Stolen Life, Jaycee Dugard explains to us why she didn’t try to run from her abductor Philip Garrido even though she was given so many chances to do so. In most situations it is very difficult for victims to escape their abusers control. In the past it was near impossible for victims of abduction to escape safely on their own. With the realization that â€Å"We have seen a significent increase in the number of thru the means of strangers, family or friends† (Amber Alert 1). It has been easier to help child abduction victims with systems like the Amber Alert system, yet it is still difficult for the victims to leave on their own. Abuse victims along with Dugard also struggle with gaining the strength to leave. Years after Dugard was rescued she says â€Å"You must find your voice and not be afraid to speak up† (Dugard 148). Something she regrets doing while being held captive. In the end the claim that victims of abuse should take more responsibility to escaoe their abusers control should be challenges because of the difficulty to escape their abusers control and to gain the strength to leave. Not only do child victims of abuse deal with the control of their abuser, but many adults deal with the same issue. Many women deal with the challenge of leaving their abusive partner, but fail because of the partner control and power they have over their victims. Many women find it difficult because they remain emotionally and economically dependent on their batterer (Domestic Violence 1). In most marital situations their is a cycle of abuse and the family’s life becomes a cycle of violence. â€Å"The man who was terrifying and intimidating turns into a remorseful, needy, and dependent man. The woman who was battered then will feel sorry for the man and recommit to him in a fantasized hope that the abuse won’t happen again. But the cycle of abuse will begin again, often becoming worse† (Domestic Violence 2). In order to escape this abuse the cycle must be broken. According to Blich, â€Å"Stranger kidnapping victimizes more females then males, occurs primarily at outdoor locations, victimizes both teenagers and school-age children, is associated with sexual assaults in the case of girl victims† (Blich 1). After being abducted children are usually brainwashed and manipulated, gaining the abductor even more control. This is what happened in Dugards situation. Philip Garrido, Dugards  abductor, told her that he was hurting her so he wouldn’t have to hurt other little girls, thereby making Dugard feel that if she did try to leave it would be her fault for the pain he caused others (Dugard 158). In doing so Garrido gained complete control over Dugard. However strong you are most can agree that it is very difficult to leave somebody you are dependent on, yet it is necessary if you want t o go on happily. Therefore the claim that abuse victims should take more responsibility to escape their control is difficult for anyone. Many will argue that people who are abused should take more responsibility to to escape from their abuser. In some situations outsiders will argue that we should outsmart our abuser and learn from it making us stronger to leave. According to The Washington Post, â€Å"They escaped these things not through the efforts of good samaritans, but through recognizing a bad situation and either getting away from it, avoiding it or screaming and kicking to draw attention† (St. George 1). This proves that children are capable not responsible. Another argument is that the child who is being abducted should be able to help themselves and escape the situation. â€Å"The child should do whatever is necessary to stay out of the car, because once the child is in that car, it dramatically reduces the chances of escape† (St. George 2). This is a lot of responsibility put onto a young child. How do we expect an eight year-old girl to escape a potential abuser if many forty year-old women cant leave an abuser they have been with for years. During Dugard’s eighteen year abduction several visuals were taken to show the pain of her loved ones. It can be proven that many were concerned with her abduction. In the visual â€Å"Missing† published in The Telegraph (2009). We are shown both Dugards mother, Terry Probyn, and step-father, Carl Probyn, they look heartbroken and distressed. Some would argue that with how much Jaycee Dugard knew she was loved, she should of gained enough strength and motivation to escape and go back to living her everyday life. However she was unaware of this while being held captive. The argument that in domestic abuse options are available to leave or available to encourage victims to leave is true, yet difficult. Victims have the option of professional help and gaining awareness of the situation. With the cycle of abuse it is very hard to get to the point were you understand you need the help, then there is the struggle of actually going ahead and doing it. Regardless of the several arguments that people can challenge we have proof from specific  situations like Dugard’s along with more common issue like marital dispute that without finding overall strength and gaining the courage to escape the abuser control it is impossible to escape and go back to your normal life. Gaining strength is one of the most difficult things to do in life. One way we gain strength is having support and happiness. How do we gain strength if we don’t have either? This faces millions of people daily who are in abusive relationships. They simply cant find the strength to leave. In Dugards memoir she says although she is unhappy she is too afraid of the risk of leaving and doesn’t know how she wo uld be able to take care of herself and her two daughters. â€Å"One of the reasons I stayed was I wanted my kids to be safe. The outside was scary for me. I was so afraid that if i left or tried to leave and take them both with me I wouldn’t be able to protect them† (Dugard 276). Even her knowing the fact that if she were to escape successfully her daughters could have a much better life, yet if they weren’t successful they would have to continue living in hiding in the backyard of Garrido’s home. She didn’t have enough strength to take the risk although the successful end results were so much better then her current situation. In abuse situations victims struggle with the same issue of strength. In between the cycle of abuse there is only a small gap between the man being violent and the women feeling remorseful and forgiving him. Where gaining the strength in between that small gap is difficult especially when it would need to be regained the next time the abuse restarts. Women also have other options. Most women have a supportive family or homes they can go to keep safe. But strength is key and difficult to obtain when one is constantly bringing you down. Although more options are available to leave, like hot-line cards in bathrooms for abuse victims or Dugard being taken into public with the option to run, we need strength to take them. Strength is a necessity to leave making the claim that abuse victims are responsible for leaving their abuser difficult to prove. In conclusion finding the courage to leave an abuser is an unthinkable challenge to those placed in that position. Without finding the strength and escaping the overwhelming control of the abuser its near impossible. As time goes on there becomes more options for abuse to happen or lead to abuse. â€Å"One in five children ten to seventeen receive unwanted sexual solicitations online† (Blich 1), which can lead to a more serious abuse. No matter how different the situations  are the abuse victims suffer through they can relate back to the same struggles. According to Jayvee Dugard after her long term abuse she refers to life today as â€Å"A light that I thought had been extinguished was coming back to life† (Dugard 238). While in the position of abuse its difficult to find the strength, but it can be gained again. The difficulty of escaping the abuser will also be difficult. It will remain difficult while recovering from the abuse. The claim that people should take more responsibility to escape their abusers? False.

Trends in Modern International Terrorism

Trends in Modern International Terrorism Boaz Ganor Abstract This chapter examines some of the most widely researched trends and developments within the phenomenon of modern international terrorism, providing policy recommendations on how to counter its emerging threats – particularly that of the Global Jihad movement and â€Å"homegrown† terrorism. The magnitude of the modern terrorist threat was demonstrated by the attacks of September 11, and ever since, the field has experienced a renewal of sorts, attracting unprecedented attention by both scholars and the mainstream public.This chapter will introduce readers to the main schools of thoughts within the academic field that explain terrorism. It will also present the many disciplines applicable to the study of terrorism, demonstrating that the phenomenon is multifaceted in nature, requiring a cohesive international and broad-based response. In covering a number of dilemmas facing terrorism experts, the chapter explore s the debate over a definition of terrorism, providing a proposed definition that distinguishes acts of terrorism from criminal acts.The chapter continues on to explore the phenomenon of modern terrorism, the role of traditional crime within the terror sphere, and the growing threat of Global Jihadi terrorism – including terror networks and homegrown cells and activists who have emerged as a result of the spread of radical Islamic ideology. The role of terrorism in democratic states and the economic ramifications of terrorism are also explored. Finally, the chapter ends with recommendations on how governments should effectively respond to terrorism and discuses room for further research.Trends in Modern International Terrorism In recent years, the academic world has witnessed a surge of research and academic programs in the field of homeland security and counterterrorism. After the attacks of 9/11, the threat of global terrorism immediately topped the international agenda. B. Ganor Lauder School of Government, International Institute for Counter-Terrorism (ICT), Interdisciplinary Center (IDC), Herzliya, Israel e-mail: [email  protected] ac. il D. Weisburd et al. (eds. ), To Protect and To Serve: Policing in an Age of Terrorism, DOI 10. 007/978-0-387-73685-3_2,  © Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2009 11 12 B. Ganor Growing recognition of the threat, combined with an increase in government spending, spurred the development of academic research institutions, think tanks, and new higher education programs in the study of homeland security and counterterrorism. The trend was particularly prominent in the United States, as researchers sought a basic understanding of the characteristics of terrorism and agencies sought ways to effectively cope with the phenomenon.This trend was accompanied by a significant increase in the number of researchers focusing on the phenomenon of terrorism. These researchers came from a wide array of academic disciplines, applying varied quantitative and qualitative research tools and methods in their analysis of the threat. In understanding the phenomenon and preventing future terrorist attacks, researchers have focused primarily on understanding the rationale of terrorist organizations in general and Global Jihad organizations in particular – their cost-benefit calculations and their decision-making processes. Trends† in terrorism have also been explored – often focusing on the introduction, transition, or prominence of a specific modus operandi or a method, such as suicide bombings, the Global Jihad movement, or the use of unconventional weapons. Reviewing these trends and themes in terrorism – and the academic research that has accompanied them – is crucial in determining how far we have come and how far we have to go, both in terms of the governments designing and deciding on counterterrorism policy and the academics informing such decisions.In exploring the phe nomenon of modern international terrorism, this chapter will first introduce readers to the various schools of thought and academic approaches used in explaining terrorism – drawing on a wide range of disciplines and theories. Discussion will then move to one of the most basic components of the terrorism dilemma, with implications on how the term – and thus phenomenon of terrorism itself – is treated, applied, and understood by the international community – the debate over defining terrorism.As will be demonstrated, definitions of terrorism vary widely – with equally as wide implications – yet there is still a general consensus among most leading scholars as to the essential nature of the threat. â€Å"Modern terrorism,† the next theme that will be explored in this chapter, is regarded as a form of psychological warfare intended to spread fear and anxiety among the target population. This fear is translated into political pressure on decision makers to change policies in such a manner that will serve the terrorist’s interests.As such, modern terrorists attempt to exploit the liberal values of democratic states, forcing governments to adhere to their demands as a result of the physical, psychological, and economic ramifications of terrorist attacks. The nature of terrorism in relation to the democratic state will be explored in a later section of this chapter as well. As terrorist groups are usually engaged in a long war of attrition, terrorist organizations need ongoing support and funds to ensure they can maintain their activities.In fact, one of the main sources of funding for many terrorist organizations is criminal activity: smuggling, counterfeiting, extortion, and narcotics. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the threat of international terrorism grew with the spread of Global Jihad terrorism. Made up of complex networks of hierarchal terrorist organizations, proxy and affiliate organizat ions, local and international terror 2 Trends in Modern International Terrorism 13 etworks, sleeper cells, and indoctrinated radical activists, all these actors share a common extreme ideology and the readiness to use violence in general – and terrorism in particular – in order to achieve their goals. The economic ramifications of these activities only further exacerbate the damage posed by terrorist attacks, another focus of terrorism research. This dynamic terrorist phenomenon has threatened an increasing number of states while involving more terror organizations, networks, activists, and supporters worldwide.The growing level of the threat, its international scope, its lethality,1 and the possible use of nonconventional terrorism (CBRN – chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear weapons) necessitate future multidisciplinary research in the field and a more cohesive, international response. Explaining Terrorism In general, two schools of thought explaini ng the phenomenon of modern terrorism have emerged out of the collection of academic work within the discipline – the â€Å"psychological-sociological† school of thought and the â€Å"political-rational† school of thought.Both schools maintain that terrorism seeks to achieve political goals by instilling fear and anxiety among the target population, but each stresses a different aspect of the explanation. The psychological-sociological school, represented most recently by scholars such as Dr. Jerrold Post (1998) and John Horgan (2005), stresses the phenomenon’s psychological component, maintaining that the immediate and central goal of terrorism is to instill fear and anxiety, while its political goals are long term. Terror as a clinical term refers to a psychological state of constant dread or fearfulness, associated with an abnormally high level of psych-physiological arousal. This is central to what terrorists aim to achieve, since after all, while the y have some ultimate set of political objectives, it is an immediate goal of most terrorist groups to cause terror† (Horgan, 2005:14). The psychological-sociological school addresses both the desired effect of terrorism and its root causes, relying primarily on social group dynamics and the psychological profile of an individual terrorist actor.Some early psychological explanations of terrorism have focused on the disruptive or psychopathological personalities of terrorist operatives, analyzing terrorists based on characteristics or disorders associated with violent or aggressive behaviors (De la Corte et al. , 2007). Some of the common psychological characteristics that have been attributed to alleged terrorists Analysis of terrorist incidents over the last 35 years confirms that terrorist attacks, while arguably decreasing in quantity, are growing more deadly over time, as the number of fatalities per attack has increased (LaFree and Dugan, in this volume).Such data, however , rely on a definition of terrorism that LaFree and Dugan themselves note is relatively â€Å"inclusive. † The Global Terrorism Database (GTD), on which their analysis is based, excludes â€Å"attacks on the military by guerilla organizations,† but includes military targets attacked by substate actors motivated by political, economic, or social motives (See LaFree and Dugan; in this volume). 1 14 B. Ganor re paranoia, antisocial and narcissistic personalities (Millon, 1981; Post, 1987), lack of empathy with victims, hostility toward parents, dogmatic or ideological mentality, or a simplistic or utopian worldview (Victoroff, 2005). At one end of the spectrum within such literature is the assertion – and at times assumption – that terrorists are to some degree psychologically â€Å"abnormal,† possessing personality disorders that qualify them as insane or psychopathic (as discussed by Cooper, 1978; Hacker, 1976; Lasch, 1979; Pearce, 1977; Taylor, 198 8).Despite early research providing psychological profiles of terrorists, other terrorism researchers have come to the general conclusion that there is no universal terrorist personality pattern; most terrorist operatives are not necessarily â€Å"psychopaths† (Silke, 1998), nor do they show traces of being clearly or consistently mentally ill (Crenshaw, 2000; Post, 1998; Stahelski, 2004). Early studies on the topic have been largely disproved or debunked, in fact, even within the psychological-social school of thought.Further research has shown that terrorists rarely meet the criteria for insanity,2 but rather may possess some â€Å"particular personality dispositions† related to psychological conditions or disorders (Post, 1987). Dr. Jerrold Post, an expert in political psychology, maintains that even though terrorists fit within the spectrum of â€Å"normality,† a large number have demonstrated specific personality characteristics that indicate a minor psycho pathology, such as aggression, activism, thrill seeking, an externalist psychological mechanism and factionalism.These are characteristics of narcissistic disorders and borderline personalities (Post, 1998:25–27). While Post stops short of actually diagnosing terrorists with such disorders or characteristics, he does claim they tend to have high frequency among terrorists, contributing to a uniform rhetorical style and logic (Silke, 1998:65). According to Post, there is a unique logic that characterizes a terrorist’s thought process – a â€Å"terrorist psycho-logic. Post claims that terrorists are motivated by psychological influences when they choose to conduct violent acts, as expressed in rhetoric that relies on â€Å"us versus them† and â€Å"good versus evil† dichotomies. He further claims that lodged in a terrorist’s permanent logic is the notion that the regime must be toppled, which is a result of the terrorist’s search for i dentity. In an attack against the regime, a terrorist is actually trying to destroy the inner enemy within him.However, even as some researchers cite it as the primary cause, a terrorist’s individual psychological profile is not the only significant explanation for the phenomenon of terrorism. Rather, group psychology and sociology may be significant explanatory factors behind terrorist attacks. Various researchers have cited group pressure as a variable to explain recruitment, methods of operation and involvement in terrorism (Merari, 2004). Others have applied the cult model to terrorist organizations (Morgan, 2001). Studies by Heskin (1984), Rasch (1979), and Taylor (1988) have all cited evidence discrediting the assumption that terrorists are psychologically â€Å"abnormal. † 2 Trends in Modern International Terrorism 15 It is in this context that Post emphasizes the group as a framework in which a sense of belonging and importance for its members is created. He cl aims that ideology plays an important role in supporting a unifying environment for the group.Shared ideology justifies the group’s activity and quickly transforms into the group’s moral guide. The psychological-sociological school relies, therefore, on psychological and sociological characteristics, motives, and grievances in explaining the phenomenon of terrorism. In contrast, the â€Å"political-rational† school of thought views terrorism as a rational method of operation intended to promote various interests and attain concrete political goals (Crenshaw, 2000; Hoffman, 1998; Shprinzak, 1998).Rational choice theory has been adopted by a number of terrorism researchers within this school, and maintains that terrorist action derives from a conscious, rational, calculated decision to choose one route of action over another (Crenshaw, 1992; Sandler et al. , 1983; Sandler and Lapan, 1988; Wilson, 2000). 3 Leading researcher Martha Crenshaw explains that an organiz ation chooses terrorism among several operational alternatives in order to promote their mutual values and preferences.In making a rational calculation of the costs and benefits, terrorism is deliberately chosen as the preferred method of political activity because it is perceived to be the most effective of the operating alternatives – the benefits exceed the costs. In this context, Ehud Shprinzak similarly stressed that the phenomenon of terrorism is not the result of disturbed human activity or a random thoughtless attack. This is a process that almost always begins without violence or terrorist activity (Shprinzak, 1998:78).Rand terrorism expert Bruce Hoffman further clarified the â€Å"rationalist† approach: â€Å"I have been studying terrorists and terrorism for more than twenty years. Yet I am still always struck by how disturbingly ‘normal’ most terrorists seem when one actually sits down and talks to them†¦ Many are in fact highly articulate and extremely thoughtful individuals for whom terrorism is (or was) an entirely rational choice†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (Hoffman, 1998:7)The dispute between the rationalist and psychological approach is important in understanding the root causes of terrorism, allowing experts and security professionals to identify characteristics of the threat and formulate effective counterstrategies. While the two schools may seem to fundamentally clash, an interdisciplinary explanation of terrorism may actually be the most effective way to approach the phenomenon. In a sense, these two schools can complement and complete each other.In the Israeli setting, for example, the case of a suicide bombing is likely motivated by a combination of the rational calculations of the organization, a cost-benefit analysis made by the attackers themselves, social pressure from the attackers’ peer group, and personal psychological, social, cultural, and religious motivations. The decisionmaking process functions on a number of levels, in which both political-rational 3 For an overview of psychological, social, and rational choice theories, see Victoroff, 2005. 16 B. Ganor Psychology H ci ol og ist or y So Law Why Terrorism ? Economics Media & Communication Political Science Fig. 2. 1 Explanatory disciplines to terrorism and the psychological-sociological explanations have their place, demonstrating the multidisciplinary nature of terrorism. As Crenshaw noted, even though an act of terrorism may not be wholly the result of a psychological disorder, that is not to say â€Å"the political decision to join a terrorist organization is not influenced or, in some cases, even determined by subconscious or latent psychological motives† (Crenshaw, 1998:386).It seems that only multivariable explanations based on methodologies and theories from different disciplines can adequately address the complex phenomenon of terrorism, provide explanations for the growth, development and characteristics of th e phenomenon, and suggest methods for effectively dealing with terrorism (Fig. 2. 1). Explanatory Disciplines to Terrorism Different research disciplines may be able to provide answers to fundamental questions at the core of terrorism research, such as:Psychology The field of psychology can provide answers to such questions as: Do terrorists have common psychological characteristics? Do terrorists have a psychological profile? Why do people become terrorists? Which people might become terrorists and which will not? Why do people join a terrorist organization and why do they leave it? When, why, and how does the personal radicalization process take place? (See Post, 1998; Raine, 1993; Hubbard, 1971). 2 Trends in Modern International Terrorism 17 Economics How important are economic variables in explaining the development and motivation of terrorism?To what degree can terrorists’ financial situation explain the motives for their behavior? How much does the economic factor deter mine the scope and characteristics of terrorism activity? 4 (See Abadie, 2004; Kahn and Weiner, 2002; Krueger and Laitin, 2008; Krueger and Maleckova, 2002; Piazza, 2006). Sociology How much influence does one’s peer group have on the decision to join a terrorist group or the motivation to conduct acts of terrorism? How much can processes of socialization and delegitimization by society – ostracizing, discrimination, alienation, etc. serve as variables explaining the motives of terrorism? Why does a certain population at a specific time tend to carry out terrorist attacks while another population with similar characteristics does not choose this course of action? What is the extent of the connection between terrorism and different cultures? 5 (See Bandura, 1973, 1998; Gibbs, 1989; Merari, 2004; Morgan, 2001; Webb, 2002). Criminology To what extent should terrorism be treated as a phenomenon in the criminal sphere? What are the differences between the characteristics of criminal and terrorist activity?What are the similarities and the differences in the organizational characteristics between terrorist and criminal organizations? 6 (See Klein et al. , 2006; Klein and Maxson, 2006; Lafree, 2007). 4 Several studies have focused on refuting the widely claimed link between poverty and terrorism (Harmon, 2000; Hasisi and Pedahzur, 2000; Schmid, 1983). In fact, a 2003 study by Krueger and Maleckova showed that higher-earning Palestinians were more likely to justify the use of terrorism to achieve political goals; and a 2002 study (Krueger and Maleckova, 2002) did not find a link between Hezbollah fighters and impoverished conditions – ather, they were richer and more educated than their counterparts. Another study looked at the biographies of 285 suicide bombers and found them to be richer and more educated than members of the general population (Victoroff, 2005:21). 5 Until September 11, there were few academic studies of terrorism from a strictl y sociological viewpoint. However, Bandura (1973, 1998) used social learning theory to suggest that violence follows observation and imitation of an aggressive model. Friedland (1992) cited the â€Å"frustrationaggression hypothesis† in understanding why terrorists turn to violence (as cited in Victoroff, 2005).Morgan (2001) applied the cult model to understand individual actors and group dynamics within terrorist groups. 6 For the role of policing in counter-terrorism strategies, see Chaps. 3–5 of this volume. LaFree and Dugan (Chap. 2) also briefly discuss the comparison between rates of terrorist attacks and other types of criminal violence. The interplay and linkages between organized crime and terrorism are explored in several anthology volumes, such as Holmes (2007), among many others. 18 B. GanorPolitical Science and International Relations To what extent should terrorism be understood in rational terms (cost-benefit calculation) as an effective method intended to achieve political goals? To what extent can political terms such as sovereignty, power, authority, and social justice serve as variables to explain the phenomenon of terrorism? To what degree is the phenomenon of terrorism connected to certain ideologies or a certain form of government? To what degree does modern terrorism aim to take advantage of the liberal democratic form of government’s values and traits?To what extent is the media component essential in order to explain the strategy of modern terrorism? How are the decision-making processes different in terrorist organizations than other organizations? Can terrorism be understood as a means for states to achieve their interests in the international arena? To what extent can terrorism be dealt with by using deterrent measures in general and deterring state-sponsors of terrorism in particular? (See Crenshaw, 2000; Ganor, 2005; Hoffman, 1998; Nacos, 1994). Theology To what extent is modern terrorism a result of religious extremism?How is incitement to terrorism carried out with the use of religious rationalizations and how can this incitement be dealt with? (See Atran, 2006; Hoffman, 1995; Juergensmeyer, 2003; Ranstorp, 1996; Rapoport, 1984). Hence, nearly every academic research discipline has been, and will continue to be, critical in providing answers to some of the central issues that lie behind understanding the phenomenon of terrorism and the methods for dealing with it. Only this multidisciplinary approach can provide a profound understanding of the phenomenon. The Definition of TerrorismGrowing interest in the field of terrorism and increased funding allotted to academic research and teaching budgets post-9/11 has spurred and supported the publication of hundreds of books and articles in the past few years, many professional and academic conferences, and a general flourishing of the field. Yet, six years after the world recognized the magnitude of the terrorist threat on 9/11, researchers, security professionals, politicians, jurists, and others have still not been able to agree upon its most fundamental component – what is terrorism?Moreover, and somewhat surprisingly, the only consensus these individuals have reached is that it might be impossible, or even unnecessary, to reach an internationally 2 Trends in Modern International Terrorism 19 accepted definition of terrorism. 7 Those who hold this opinion – in fact the majority in the field – usually cite the cliche â€Å"one man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom fighter,† in order to imply that, in their opinion, the issue of definition is subjective. As such, even partial agreement regarding its content cannot be reached. Louis Henkin (1989) captured this entiment in 1990 when he said that: â€Å"Terrorism†¦ is not a useful legal concept. † Those who do not regard a definition as critical believe that the international system – and the security establi shment in particular – can manage without consensus on the issue. They claim that terrorists, in a sense, commit regular crimes – extortion, murder, arson, and other felonies already covered by conventional criminal law. Therefore, they can be tried for committing these felonies without the need for a special criminal classification, and thus definition, for terrorism.Needless to say, there is no shortage of proposed definitions for terrorism. Every researcher, expert, security professional, NGO, country, and politician espouses their own definition, one that likely represents a distinct world view and political stance. By the early 1980s, Schmid and Jongman had already listed 109 definitions of terrorism proposed by researchers in the field (Schmid and Jongman, 1998:5). In their chapter in this volume, LaFree and Dugan touch upon the difficulty in reaching a consensus on a definition of terrorism given its controversial and highly politicized nature.It is within this context that they note the U. S. was reluctant to define the attacks by Contra rebels in Nicaragua as terrorism, while regarding practically all violence in Iraq and Afghanistan as such. They further note that more inclusive definitions of terrorism are often preferred by businesses or private think tanks that are collecting data for the purpose of risk assessment, as such an approach ultimately benefits their clients (LaFree and Dugan, in this volume). Among the hundreds of definitions of terrorism that have been accepted throughout the years, some contain conceptual and phrasing problems (Hoffman, 2004:3).Many researchers note that the only certainty regarding terrorism is the pejorative manner in which the word is generally used and associated (Hoffman, 2006:23; Horgan, 2005:1). As such, when scholars, politicians, or activists describe and analyze the activities of alleged terrorist organizations, they very often use alternative terms that bear more positive connotations, such a s guerilla or underground movements, revolutionaries, militias, militants, commando groups, national liberation movements, etc. (Hoffman, 2006:28).Many in the Western world have accepted the premise that terrorism and national liberation are located on two opposite ends of a spectrum legitimizing the use of violence. The struggle for â€Å"national liberation† is, allegedly, located on the positive 7 In a presentation on the definition of terrorism to the UK Parliament in March 2007, Lord Carlile quoted David Tucker from Skirmishes at the Edge of the Empire, stating that: â€Å"Above the gates of hell is the warning that all that enter should abandon hope. Less dire but to the same effect is the warning given to those who try to define terrorism† (See http://www. amilnation. org/terrorism/ uk/070317carlile. htm); for a reporter’s perspective see Kinsley, 2001; see also Levitt (1986), in which he claims a definition for terrorism is no easier to find than the Hol y Grail. 20 B. Ganor and justified end of the violence spectrum, while terrorism is its unjust and negative polar opposite. Within this framework, it would be impossible for a specific organization to be considered both a terrorist group and a national liberation movement, as Senator Henry Jackson claims: â€Å"The thought that one man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom fighter is unacceptable.Freedom fighters or revolutionaries do not blow up buses with noncombatants; terrorists and murderers do. Freedom fighters do not kidnap and slaughter students, terrorists and murders do†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (As cited in Netanyahu, 1987:18) There is little basis for the claim that â€Å"freedom fighters† cannot carry out acts of terrorism and murder. This approach unintentionally plays into the hands of terrorists, who claim that since they are acting to expel who they consider to be a foreign occupier, they cannot also be considered terrorists.However, many freedom fighters i n modern history committed crimes and purposely targeted innocent civilians. The difference between â€Å"terrorism† and â€Å"freedom fighting† is not a subjective distinction based on the observer’s point of view. Rather, it derives from identifying the perpetrator’s goals and methods of operation. Terrorism is a means – a tool – for achieving an end, and that â€Å"end† can very well be liberating the homeland from the yoke of a foreign occupier. An organization can be, at the same time, both a national liberation movement and a terrorist group.It is not the specific goal – whether â€Å"freedom fighting† or another legitimate political objective – that distinguishes a group as a terrorist organization or justifies its activities. Many groups, however, such as the Muslim World League, do not clearly make this distinction. In a special publication from 2001, the Muslim World League states that: â€Å"Terrorism is an outrageous attack carried out either by individuals, groups or states against the human being (his religion, life, intellect, property and honor).It includes all forms of intimidation, harm, threatening, killing without a just cause†¦ so as to terrify and horrify people by hurting them or by exposing their lives, liberty, security or conditions to danger†¦ or exposing a national or natural resource to danger† (Al-Mukarramah, 2001). In presenting the activities that constitute terrorism as being committed â€Å"without a just cause,† the Muslim World League’s definition infers that such acts committed with a just cause are not considered terrorism.Such definitions are typical of attempts to create confusion between the means and the end, ultimately foiling any possibility of reaching a consensus on a definition. Since September 11, international terrorism has emerged on the top of national and international security agendas, widely perceived as a s evere and very real threat to world peace. It is a threat that necessitates international alignment and cooperation on an unprecedented level. Such a high degree of cooperation cannot be established or sustained however without agreement over the most basic common denominator – the definition of terrorism.Outside intelligence and military circles, the effectiveness of other apparatuses essential in countering the terrorist threat is dependent upon a clear, broad, and objective definition of terrorism that can be accepted internationally. Such a definition is essential in order to: disrupt the financing of terrorism, respond to states and 2 Trends in Modern International Terrorism 21 communities that support terrorism, prevent recruitment and incitement of terrorist operatives, and establish legal measures and guidelines to both outlawed terrorist organizations and activities, and arrest and extradite alleged terrorists.Above all else, the international community must establis h a binding normative system to determine what is allowed and not allowed – what is legitimate and not legitimate – when violence is used for political objectives. A definition that would address all these requirements is: Terrorism is the deliberate use of violence aimed against civilians in order to achieve political goals (nationalistic, socioeconomic, ideological, religious, etc. ) In defining terrorism within the above framework, it is important to note that a terrorist act would not be classified as a â€Å"regular† criminal activity warranting the application of criminal legal norms.Rather, terrorism would be viewed as an act of war, and the countermeasures mounted against it would too be conducted in accordance to the norms and laws of war. The Israeli High Court of Justice has itself struggled with the distinction between criminal acts and acts of war, reflecting the tension facing those studying and responding to terrorism today. According to Justice C heshin, â€Å"a judge’s job is difficult. It is sevenfold as difficult when he comes to deal with a hideously murderous attack such as we have in front of us.The murderer’s action is inherently – though not within the framework of or as part of the formal definition – an act of war, and an act that is inherently an act of war is answered with an act of war, in the ways of war† (Abd Al-Rahim Hassan Nazzal and others vs. the Commander of the IDF forces in Judea and Samaria, 1994). In a different verdict, the judge ruled that a â€Å"criminal code created for daily life in human society does not have an answer for the question† (Federman and others vs. the Attorney General, 1993).The debate over whether terrorism should be considered a criminal act or an act of war remains strong among academics, NGOs, and counter terrorism professionals. Without consensus on the issue, states have applied their own policies in trying and convicting alleged ter rorist suspects – whether as criminals or combatants. Despite the fact that criminal acts can consist of the same actions as terrorism – murder, arson, and extortion – terrorism, unlike an average criminal act, threatens the internal social order, personal and national security, world peace, and the economy. As previously noted, acts of terrorism are intended to achieve various political goals and could thus be considered arguably more severe than criminal violations. In addition, as international law expert and terrorism prosecutor Ruth Wedgwood has argued, criminal law may be â€Å"too weak a weapon† to counter terrorism, as destroying terrorist infrastructure and networks requires diplomacy, use of force, and criminal 8 Resolution 1566 (2004) adopted by the Security Council in its 5053rd meeting, on Oct. 8 2004: â€Å"†¦Reaffirming that terrorism in all its forms and manifestations constitutes one of the most serious threats to peace and security .Considering that acts of terrorism seriously impair the enjoyment of human rights and threaten the social and economic development of all states, they undermine global stability and prosperity. † (See: http://daccessdds. un. org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N04/542/82/ PDF/N0454282. pdf? OpenElement. ) 22 B. Ganor law combined. She adds that the restrictions embedded in a criminal justice system make sense in civil society where deterrence is a factor, but this may not apply in a fight against a highly networked terrorist organization (Wedgwood and Roth, 2004). Bruce Hoffman points to a fundamental difference between a criminal and a terrorist when he asserts that while a criminal seeks personal material goals, a terrorist usually sees himself as an altruist acting for and in the name of many others (Hoffman, 2006:37). Therefore, a terrorist may be perceived as posing greater danger through his actions, since he is significantly more willing than a criminal to sacrifice in order to achieve his goals – even to the point of self-sacrifice in certain situations. The criminal code in itself does not serve as an adequate platform to define terrorism.The laws of war are better suited as a framework for defining and dealing with terrorism, since the phenomenon is a violent action intended to achieve political goals, often involving the use of pseudo-military methods of operation. By basing the definition of terrorism on an established system of norms and laws, already included in international conventions and accepted by most of the countries in the world, the international community is more likely to reach a broad international agreement on the definition of terrorism – a basic tool in the joint international struggle against terrorism.At the core of the Geneva and The Hague conventions are rules differentiating between two types of personnel involved in military activity: â€Å"combatants,† military personnel who deliberately target enemy military pers onnel; and â€Å"war criminals,† military personnel who, among other actions forbidden by the laws of war, deliberately target civilians. Currently, the moral differentiation between a legitimate combatant and a war criminal is based on the attacked target (military or civilian), and, at least in principle, only applies to state entities and their armies and not to substate entities.In the Israeli setting for example, a Palestinian, considered part of a subnational group, who is involved in a deliberate attack against an Israeli military target, will receive the same treatment and punishment as a Palestinian who deliberately attacks a civilian target. Since there is no distinction made between the two, despite the difference in their targets, the degree of international legitimacy or condemnation of both cases will likely continue to be dependant on the supporter or condemner’s political stance and not necessarily on the character or target of the deliberate operation – its legality under applicable rules and norms.The American government, for example, classifies attacks against its troops in Iraq as terrorist attacks, as it does the October 2000 attack against the USS Cole or the attack against the American military barracks in Dhahran (June 1996). In fact, in an attempt to expand the definition of terrorism to include attacks against soldiers, the U. S. State Department’s definition states that terrorism is the Ruth Wedgewood and Human Rights Watch Director Kenneth Roth debate the US’s treatment of terrorist suspects – as combatants versus criminals – in a series of articles in Foreign Affairs (See Roth, 2004; Wedgwood and Roth, 2004). 2 Trends in Modern International Terrorism 23 deliberate use of violence against â€Å"non-combatant targets,† which includes both civilians and military personnel not on the battle field. 10 While it is natural for victims of terrorism to adopt this broad-based definitio n, terrorist organizations and their supporters can legitimately argue that in seeking to achieve their political goals, they cannot reasonably be required to either not confront military personnel entirely, or do so only when they are fully armed and prepared for war.They claim that they must be given the right to attack and surprise soldiers whatever the circumstances. In applying these considerations, the U. S. State Department’s definition of terrorism could not successfully serve as a common denominator leading to international agreement. It is only in reducing the scope of the definition to the deliberate targeting of civilians – as opposed to â€Å"non-combatants† – that may solve this problem, enabling the establishment of a clear moral boundary that should not be crossed. A terrorist act would be considered, in a sense, the equivalent for a substate entity to a war crime committed by a state. 1 During a state of war, normative principles and the laws of war forbid the deliberate targeting of civilians but allow deliberate attacks on an enemy’s military personnel (in accordance with other applicable regulations). Similarly, in modern asymmetric warfare, a normative rule must be set to address limitations on substate actors, differentiating between guerilla warfare (violence against military personnel) and terrorism (violence against civilians) – just as the rules of war differentiate between legitimate combatants and war criminals.For the purpose of defining terrorism, it is not significant what goal the organization aspires to achieve (as long as it is political); both the terrorist and the guerilla fighter may aspire to achieve the same goals. However, they each chose a different path – a different means – in order to realize these goals. Defining terrorism is critical in ensuring that the same normative standards currently enforced on states are applicable to nonstate actors, defining when thei r use of violence is permissible and when it is prohibited.Paradoxically, what is currently prohibited for states is not yet prohibited for organizations. Defining terrorism does not raise or lower the obligation of states to behave normatively and certainly does not place additional legal burdens upon them. It simply makes organizations accountable for their actions under the same value system currently obligating states. Terrorism is defined by the U. S. State Department as: â€Å"premeditated, politically motivated violence perpetrated against noncombatant targets by sub-national groups or clandestine agents. (from the 22 U. S. C. , 2656f(d)(2); See http://www. state. gov/s/ct/rls/crt/2005/65353. htm. ) 11 The UN short legal definition of terrorism, proposed by terrorism expert Alex P. Schmid, states that an act of terrorism is the â€Å"peacetime equivalent of a war crime. † While such a definition does not consider terrorism an act of war, in drawing a parallel with a w ar crime it notes the importance of the target (civilian vs. military) in legitimizing acts of violence. (See: http://www. unodc. org/ unodc/terrorism_definitions. html. ) 10 24 B. GanorReaching a broad international agreement regarding the definition of terrorism may require the international community to apply laws of war that forbid the deliberate targeting of civilians, but allow for the deliberate attack (in accordance with the other regulations) of an enemy’s military personnel. The definition proposed in this chapter may be capable of eliciting a broad base of support from many countries and organizations, both because it is based on already accepted international norms, and because it seemingly provides subnational organizations the possibility of legitimately using violence in order to achieve their goals.Such a definition would not allow for the artificial distinction that is often made between â€Å"bad† terrorism and â€Å"good† or â€Å"tolerableâ €  terrorism. It instead adheres to the principle that â€Å"terrorism is terrorism is terrorism,† no matter who carries it out – a Muslim, Christian, Jew, or member of any other religion. Terrorism would be considered an illegitimate and forbidden method of operation in all cases, under all circumstances. The ideological or cultural background of the perpetrators; and the religious, political, social or economic motives of the act; would all be irrelevant in classifying an act of terrorism.Many view the effort to achieve a broad international agreement on terrorism as hopeless and naive. However, Security Council Resolution 1566, which was unanimously accepted by Council members in October 2004, may be a basis for hope that countries will overcome prior disputes, rise above their own interests, and reach an agreement in the near future regarding the international definition of terrorism. Resolution 1566, without serving as the definition itself, already establishes one basic principle on which an international definition can be built.It stipulates that terrorism is a crime against civilians, which in no circumstance can be justified by political, philosophical, ideological, racial, ethnic, religious, or other considerations. 12 Modern Terrorism Descriptions of typical terrorist operations and their common characteristics are often included in proposed definitions of modern terrorism – particularly in those that address the fear and anxiety created by terrorist acts. In such definitions, terrorism is presented as a form of violent activity (or threat of violence) that 2 Resolution 1566 (2004): â€Å"Condemns in the strongest terms all acts of terrorism irrespective of their motivation, whenever and by whomsoever committed, as one of the most serious threats to peace and security†¦Recalls that criminal acts, including against civilians committed with the intent to cause death or serious bodily injury or taking hostages with the pur pose to provoke a state of terror in the general public or in a group of persons or particular persons intimidate a population or compel a government or an offences within the scope of and as defined in the international conventions and protocols relating to terrorism, are under no circumstances justifiable by considerations of a political, philosophical, ideological, racial, ethnic religious or other similar nature and calls upon all states to prevent such acts†¦Ã¢â‚¬ . (See: http://daccessdds. un. org/doc/UNDOC/ GEN/N04/542/82/PDF/N0454282. pdf? OpenElement) 2 Trends in Modern International Terrorism 25 intends to frighten a group of people beyond the actual victims (Horgan, 2005:1).After reviewing the development of the definition of terrorism and examining a variety of definitions, Bruce Hoffman reaches the following conclusion in his important book, Inside Terrorism: â€Å"We may therefore now attempt to define terrorism as the deliberate creation and exploitation of fea r through violence or the threat of violence in the pursuit of political change†¦ terrorism is specifically designed to have far-reaching psychological effects beyond the immediate victim(s) or object of the terrorist attack†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (Hoffman, 2006:40). Definitions that refer to terrorism as an act intended to instill fear and anxiety in the public are generally based on the literal meaning and historical use of the term â€Å"terrorism,† its application dating back to the French civil war. 13 Such definitions also rely on what is perceived to be the primary operational tactic of modern terrorism – psychological warfare – which seeks to achieve political goals by instilling fear and anxiety among its target population.While definitions vary widely, there is a general consensus among most leading scholars as to the essential nature of the terrorist threat; researchers will rarely dispute the importance fear and anxiety play in understanding the phenomen on of modern terrorism. However, it is important to note that resulting fear and anxiety may not be an essential variable in defining a terrorist attack. In order to ensure that acts are objectively classified as terrorist attacks, an accepted definition must, in application, serve as a checklist of components. Based on the definition proposed in the previous section, if an act is not violent, does not deliberately target civilians, or does not attempt to achieve a political goal, then it is not a terrorist attack.Adding the element of fear and anxiety to the definition – essentially putting it on the checklist of required components – significantly changes the term’s application. If an attack, which would otherwise be considered an act of terrorism, does not aim to frighten, but rather only seeks to achieve concrete, tangible objectives – such as the release of prisoners or the assassination of a leading political figure – would the action not be considered terrorism? Similarly, a nuclear attack aimed at eradicating the majority of the population or contaminating an extensive area – which ultimately seeks to disable the state and prevent it from operating as an independent political entity – would be widely considered a terrorist attack, even though instilling fear and anxiety is not its primary purpose.Since such circumstances and scenarios can reasonably exist, the â€Å"fear and anxiety element† may not be necessary in defining terrorism; rather, it is valuable in explaining the modus operandi of a significant portion of modern terrorist attacks. 13 The term â€Å"terrorism† comes from the Latin terrere, â€Å"to cause to tremble. † The term became popularized during the â€Å"Reign of Terror† carried out by the revolutionary government in France from 1793 to 1794 (Juergensmeyer, 2003: 5). 26 B. Ganor Indeed, modern terrorism is not necessarily about the numbers. In fact, most mod ern terrorist attacks, while violent in nature, generally produce limited damage or casualties. 4 Instead, they rely on psychological warfare as a tool in achieving their goals, creating fear and anxiety among the general population. In many cases, a terrorist attack is random, aimed not at someone specific, but rather a group that shares a common trait and symbolizes the organization’s broader target (Americans, Israelis, â€Å"infidels,† Westerners, etc. ). By simultaneously transmitting several messages, these attacks intensify the sense of anxiety felt by the target group, which leads civilians to pressure decision makers and their government into changing policies and agreeing to terrorists’ demands. Some of the messages terrorist organizations aim to send through their attacks include: 1.Uncertainty – The randomness of the attack is supposed to instill a sense of uncertainty in the public regarding â€Å"safe behavior,† prompting fear that an yone could be the next victim (Horgan, 2005:3). 2. Vulnerability – A terrorist attack can take place anywhere, anytime, making all citizens feel vulnerable. 3. Helplessness – The state’s security apparatus cannot foil or prevent attacks, or protect civilians. 4. Personalization – You or someone close to you may not have been hurt in a recent attack, but it could very well be you the next time, since the victims have the same pro? le as you (Ganor, 2005:256). 5. Disproportional price – The price the individual must pay due to his government’s policy is very high. For that reason he must act to change national/international priorities in a way that will serve the terrorist’s objectives. 6.Vengeance – The citizen suffers due to the government’s actions against the terrorist organization and its supporters, and for this reason it is in his best interest to pressure the government to avoid this activity. Such attacks aim to c reate anxiety among the target group at a level disproportionate to the actual capabilities of the terrorist organization, forcing members of the target population to reprioritize and shift their concerns from that of national security to personal security. The target population perceives a growing threat from terrorism, which may be viewed by the public as largely fueled by the government’s supposedly dangerous policies.As political tension and criticism against the government in the target country mount, according to the strategy of modern terrorism, the public will pressure decision makers to change their policies in a manner that will suit the interests and goals of the terrorist organizations, or call for a change in administration that will establish policies more favorable to terrorist groups. In order to create this effect of fear, terrorist organizations often choose to escalate their activity in such a manner as to shock the public. According to Crenshaw, a review L aFree and Dugan note that over 53% of terrorist organizations from the Global Terrorism Database included in their study (1974–2004) have never produced a single fatality (LaFree and Dugan, in this volume). 14 2Trends in Modern International Terrorism 27 of the history of terrorism reveals that terrorists have purposely chosen targets considered taboo or unpredictable in order to attract international media coverage (Crenshaw, 1998:14–15). The media component is central to modern terrorism’s strategy. Without media coverage, a terrorist organization has little opportunity to convey its message, let alone shock or scare its target population. The success of a modern terrorist campaign is arguably dependent on the amount of publicity it receives; the â€Å"journalist and television camera are the terrorist’s best friends† (Laqueur, 1987). Terrorism and Traditional CrimeIn seeking funding to support ongoing operations or infrastructure, terrorist orga nizations in Latin America, Europe, the Middle East, and the Far East have increasingly come to rely on â€Å"traditional† criminal activities, such as drug trafficking, counterfeiting, petty crime, human trafficking, and extortion (Vidino and Emerson, 2006; Mili, 2006). In fact, over the last three decades, law enforcement agencies have reported increased cooperation between terrorist organizations and criminal actors and activities – including attacks that have been financed through illegal crimes and suspects who have been prosecuted for crimes in which proceeds were directed to international terrorist organizations like Hezbollah and Al-Qaeda (Noble, 2003).Growing expenses associated with terrorist activity, such as payments to organization personnel, transportation, accommodation, training, and procurement of weapons, have served as incentive for terrorist organizations to get involved in common crime. These activities only further exacerbate the danger posed by t errorist organizations to the global economy and to the safety and wellbeing of the world’s population. By counterfeiting currency, for example, a terrorist organization can damage a country’s economy while it raises funds. Similarly, by producing and smuggling drugs to certain countries, an organization can cause considerable harm to the local population and simultaneously finance its activities.In the early 1970s, terrorist organizations, particularly those not supported financially by states, funded their activities through criminal activities such as bank robberies, kidnappings for ransom, and blackmail. Terrorist organizations, such as the Red Brigades in Italy, cooperated with criminal elements, enlisting them into the ranks of their organization. However, in the late 1970s and more so in the early 1980s, terrorist organizations realized that drug trafficking was far more lucrative than other routine criminal activities, leading to a phenomenon known as â€Å"na rco-terrorism. †15 Terrorist organizations have been involved in producing and selling narcotics throughout the world – in Latin America (Colombia, Peru, Cuba, Bolivia); in Asia and 5 To illustrate the amount of money involved, a survey conducted by the United Nations Office for Drug Control and Crime Prevention described the production, trafficking, and sales of illicit drugs to be an estimated $400-billion-a-year industry. A 2005 UN report estimated that global drug trade generated an estimated $322 billion in 2003, greater than the gross domestic product of 88% of the countries in the world (Pollard, 2005). 28 B. Ganor the Middle East (Sri Lanka, Lebanon, Afghanistan, India, the Philippines, Pakistan); and even in Western countries such as Italy, Spain, Ireland, and the United States. Drug trafficking by terrorist groups in Columbia is of particular concern to western governments. According to reports from the U. S.Bureau of Narcotics and Law Enforcement affairs, rev enues earned from narcotics cultivation, taxation, and distribution have accounted for at least half the funding used to support terrorist activities by two of the country’s largest terrorist groups – the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the United Self-Defense Groups of Colombia (AUC). The State Department estimates that the FARC receives $300 million a year from drug sales to finance its terrorist activities. 16 The tri-border area (TBA), or â€Å"triple frontier† as it is known, centered along the borders of Paraguay, Argentina, and Brazil, has been widely recognized as another hotbed for terrorism financing and activity, particularly to groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas. Without strict border controls, the area serves as a haven for drugs and arms trafficking, counterfeiting, smuggling and other illegal activities.Tens of millions of dollars are estimated to have been transferred to groups through illegal remittances and other illegal activ ities, according to investigations by local police forces (Madani, 2002; Tri-border Transfers â€Å"funding terror,† 2006). Most terror organizations, however, are not directly involved in actually growing or producing drugs. They are tasked primarily with protecting the drugs and ensuring the safety of growers and producers. They also are active in smuggling narcotics to the marketing centers in countries where the drugs are distributed (Hudson, 2003:24). These organizations usually have a diverse network of contacts, enabling them to cross borders via indirect routes and smuggle weapons, ammunition, and various other products.Terrorist organizations can use the same routes and network used by their supporters in order to smuggle drugs. In some cases, drugs have been used to recruit foreign activists, in a sense bribing them to execute terrorist attacks. In these cases, the activists, who are not members of the organization, are enlisted in order to carry out attacks on beha lf of the terror organizations, sometimes unbeknownst to the activists themselves, in return for a regular supply of drugs. 17 In other cases, terrorist organizations supply their members with drugs in order to increase their dependence on the organization and encourage obedience to its leaders. 8 Some terrorist organizations refer to the distribution of drugs as an alternative form of attack, since drug consumption can harm the national morale and weaken the ability of the population to cope with crises. 16 See Deborah McCarthy’s testimony before the Committee on the Judiciary United States Senate, May 20, 2003, â€Å"Narco-Terrorism: International Drug Trafficking and Terrorism – A Dangerous Mix. † 17 For example, On August 28, 1971, a Dutch citizen, Henrietta Hundemeir, was arrested in Israel with a suitcase containing a timer-activated bomb with a barometric altimeter. The bomb was meant to explode in the El Al aircraft in which she herself was flying to Isr ael.Hundemeir was enlisted in Yugoslavia by a member of the â€Å"Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine,† who became her close friend by supplying her with drugs and using them with her. 18 One example is the â€Å"Weatherman† organization, which was responsible for terrorist attacks in the U. S. at the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 1970s. The group perceived drug use as a part of the revolutionary process. 2 Trends in Modern International Terrorism 29 Global Jihadi Terrorism Terrorism is a dynamic phenomenon that develops over time, gradually changing its shape and activities. It is carried out by various organizations in the service of different ideologies.Despite the fact that various local terrorist groups have operated in the international arena in the past decade, there is growing recognition by scholars and the intelligence community that the current international terrorist threat does not come from organizations motivated by nationalist grie vances or separatist goals (such as the IRA, ETA, Fatah, LTTE, PKK, and others). Instead, the main threat is that of radical Islamic terrorism primarily aimed at promoting a radical religious world view. 19 Such groups are motivated by what they perceive as a divine command, making them potentially more dangerous than groups motivated by other causes. Hoffman stresses that while religion was an inseparable component of many terrorist organizations in the past, the dominant motivation for their actions was political rather than religious.This is not the case with Al-Qaeda and other radical Islamic organizations today. For them, religion is the most important component defining their activities, ideology, characteristics, and recruitment methods (Hoffman, 2006:82). According to James Thomson, â€Å"religions are very effective at guiding in-group morality and out-group hatred. They permit the take-over of groups by disenfranchised young males, they minimize the fear of death by sprea ding the belief in an afterlife reward for those who are dying in a holy war, etc. † (Thomson, 2003:82). Radical Islamic terrorism, part of the Global Jihad movement, includes acts perpetrated by many organizations, groups, and cells around the world.The movement is headed by Al-Qaeda, which, despite the many setbacks it has endured since September 11, 2001, is still capable of carrying out â€Å"direct attacks† through activists reporting directly to its authority or â€Å"indirect attacks† through proxy organizations – radical Islamic terrorist organizations and networks that share a similar fundamentalist Islamic ideology, aspirations, and interests. Some of these organizations, such as Egyptian, Bangladeshi, and Afghan Jihadi groups, were established by Osama bin Laden under the umbrella of his â€Å"International Islamic Front for Jihad Against Jews and Crusaders† (February 1998). Some of these organizations have made pacts or commitments to bi n Laden over the years, such as the Egyptian Al-Jama’a Al-Islamiya and the GSPC (currently referred to as Al-Qaeda of the Maghreb). However, the most significant trend of the past several years has been the phenomenon of â€Å"homegrown terrorism. Lone activists and local radical groups of Muslims, who either immigrated to Western countries There are also terrorist organizations that combine religious grievances with national-political motivations, such as Hamas. On the one hand, Hamas derives its ideology from the same narrative and background as Al-Qaeda, based on the early religious global ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood. At the same time though, Hamas seeks to achieve the nationalistic goal of destroying Israel and creating a Palestinian state in its place. 19 30 B. Ganor (first, second, or third generation) or converted to Islam in their country of origin, become inspired by the Global Jihad movement, leading them to carry out terrorist attacks.Al-Qaeda, its allies i n the Global Jihad movement, other radical Islamic terrorist organizations, and the radical Islamic networks and cells of the West, all believe in one divine mission, which calls upon them to spread their radical beliefs throughout the world (Sageman, 2004:1). In seeking to achieve this mission, they believe it is permissible and necessary to make use of violence and terrorism, and that they are fighting a â€Å"defensive war† that allows them to use drastic measures. One perspective shared by several researchers is that this defensive war is not actually pitted against American or Western imperialism, as Global Jihad organizations commonly claim. Rather, the â€Å"fight against the West† is used to help mobilize and recruit activists, arguably acting as â€Å"lip service† by Al-Qaeda.It also serves to at least express their concern over every aspect of modernization, including democratic forms of government, liberal values, and even modern technology that threa ten the way of life they strive for – a radical Islamic caliphate governed by Sharia law. It is also important to note that the threat of Global Jihad is not, as many tend to think, a war between Islam and other religions. Rather, it can be understood as a war of cultures – the culture of radical Islam against the outside world; or the culture of radical Islam against the culture of the â€Å"infidels,† as Islamists call all those who do not share their world view. Many in the radical Jihadi movement recognize that they will not be able to succeed in their worldwide campaign in the near future. Therefore they aim, as a first stage, to create localized radical Islamic revolutions, primarily in Arab and Islamic countries.In fact, the majority of Global Jihad attacks over the past several years occurred in countries of the Arab or Islamic world,